Edwin Stanton

Edwin Stanton


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Edwin Stanton nasceu em Steubenville, Ohio, em 19 de dezembro de 1814. Depois de frequentar o Kenyon College, ele foi admitido na ordem dos advogados em 1836. Ele trabalhou em Pittsburgh por nove anos antes de se mudar para Washington e construiu um amplo escritório nos tribunais federais.

Membro do Partido Democrata, foi nomeado procurador-geral pelo presidente James Buchanan em dezembro de 1860. Perdeu o cargo quando o presidente Abraham Lincoln foi eleito em 1861. Stanton voltou ao poder quando concordou em trabalhar como consultor jurídico de Simon Cameron, o Secretário de Guerra. Este trabalho tornou-se mais importante com a eclosão da Guerra Civil Americana.

Em janeiro de 1862, Stanton ajudou Simon Cameron a escrever seu relatório anual. Ele escreveu pessoalmente a seção que pedia que escravos libertos fossem armados e usados ​​contra o Exército Confederado. O presidente Abraham Lincoln se opôs a essa política e ordenou que Cameron removesse a passagem ofensiva. Quando ele recusou, foi despedido. Lincoln, que não sabia do papel de Stanton no relatório, nomeou-o como seu novo Secretário da Guerra.

Após assumir o cargo, Stanton assumiu a gestão de todas as linhas telegráficas dos Estados Unidos. Stanton também censurou a imprensa e, dessa forma, manteve o controle total sobre as notícias que chegavam ao público. Para manter esse sistema, Stanton dobrou o tamanho do Departamento de Guerra.

Convencido de que a guerra logo terminaria, Stanton fechou os escritórios de recrutamento do governo na primavera de 1862. Quando percebeu seu erro, defendeu o recrutamento de soldados negros.

Stanton era particularmente crítico em relação ao governo e certa vez disse a um amigo que não conseguia encontrar "nenhum sinal de qualquer compreensão inteligente de Lincoln ou da tripulação que o governa". No entanto, Stanton e Abraham Lincoln trabalharam bem juntos durante a guerra.

Durante o verão de 1863, chegou ao fim um acordo segundo o qual os cativos da União e dos Confederados eram trocados. Stanton e Ulysses S. Grant decidiram que o Exército Confederado tinha mais dificuldade em substituir homens do que o Exército da União. Isso incluiu a decisão de não levar 30.000 soldados de Andersonville. Quando Stanton ouviu sobre a alta taxa de mortalidade em Andersonville, ele decidiu reduzir as rações de soldados capturados em 20 por cento.

Em 1863, Stanton recrutou Lafayette Baker como seu substituto para Allan Pinkerton, chefe do Serviço de Inteligência da União. Baker recebeu o cargo de chefe da Polícia Nacional de Detetives (NDP), uma organização secreta e anti-subversiva de espionagem. Um de seus sucessos foi a captura da espiã confederada, Belle Boyd. Mais tarde, Baker foi acusado de conduzir um interrogatório brutal e, apesar do tratamento desumano, Boyd se recusou a confessar e ela foi libertada em 1863.

Baker também era suspeito de ser culpado de corrupção. Ele foi atrás de pessoas que lucravam com atividades comerciais ilegais. Foi alegado que ele prendeu e encarcerou aqueles que se recusaram a compartilhar seus ganhos ilegais com ele. Baker acabou sendo pego grampeando linhas de telégrafo entre Nashville e o escritório de Stanton. Baker foi rebaixado e enviado para Nova York e colocado sob o controle de Charles Dan, o secretário adjunto da Guerra.

Como organizador da segurança interna, Edwin M. Stanton foi culpado pelo assassinato de Abraham Lincoln em 14 de abril de 1865. Stanton imediatamente convocou Lafayette Baker, chefe da Polícia Nacional de Detetives (NDP) a Washington com o apelo telegráfico: "Venha aqui imediatamente e veja se consegue encontrar o assassino do presidente. " Baker chegou em 16 de abril e seu primeiro ato foi enviar seus agentes a Maryland para coletar todas as informações que pudessem sobre as pessoas envolvidas no assassinato.

Em dois dias, Baker prendeu Mary Surratt, Lewis Paine, George Atzerodt e Edman Spangler. Ele também tinha os nomes dos outros conspiradores, John Wilkes Booth e David Herold. Quando os agentes de Baker descobriram que haviam cruzado o Potomac perto de Mathias Point em 22 de abril, ele enviou o tenente Edward P. Doherty e 25 homens da 16ª Cavalaria de Nova York para capturá-los.

Em 26 de abril, Doherty e seus homens encontraram John Wilkes Booth e David Herold em uma fazenda de propriedade de Richard Garrett. Doherty ordenou que os homens se rendessem. Herold saiu do celeiro, mas Booth recusou e o celeiro foi incendiado. Enquanto isso acontecia, um dos soldados, o sargento Boston Corbett, encontrou uma grande rachadura no celeiro e foi capaz de atirar nas costas de Booth. Seu corpo foi arrastado do celeiro e depois de revistados os soldados recuperaram seu diário encadernado em couro. A bala perfurou sua medula espinhal e ele morreu em grande agonia duas horas depois. O diário de Booth foi entregue a Baker, que mais tarde o passou para Stanton. Baker foi recompensado por seu sucesso sendo promovido a general de brigada e recebendo uma parte substancial da recompensa de $ 100.000.

Em 1º de maio de 1865, o presidente Andrew Johnson ordenou a formação de uma comissão militar de nove homens para julgar os conspiradores envolvidos no assassinato do presidente Abraham Lincoln. Foi argumentado por Stanton que os homens deveriam ser julgados por um tribunal militar, pois Lincoln havia sido o comandante-chefe do exército. Vários membros do gabinete, incluindo Gideon Welles (Secretário da Marinha), Edward Bates (Procurador-Geral), Orville H. Browning (Secretário do Interior) e Henry McCulloch (Secretário do Tesouro), desaprovaram, preferindo um julgamento civil . No entanto, James Speed, o procurador-geral, concordou com Stanton e, portanto, os réus não desfrutaram das vantagens de um julgamento com júri.

O julgamento começou em 10 de maio de 1865. A comissão militar incluía generais importantes como David Hunter, Lewis Wallace, Thomas Harris e Alvin Howe e Joseph Holt era o promotor-chefe do governo. Mary Surratt, Lewis Paine, George Atzerodt, David Herold, Samuel Mudd, Michael O'Laughlin, Edman Spangler e Samuel Arnold foram todos acusados ​​de conspirar para assassinar Lincoln. Durante o julgamento, Holt tentou persuadir a comissão militar de que Jefferson Davis e o governo confederado haviam se envolvido em uma conspiração.

Joseph Holt tentou obscurecer o fato de que havia dois planos: o primeiro para sequestrar e o segundo para assassinar. Era importante para a acusação não revelar a existência de um diário retirado do corpo de John Wilkes Booth. O diário deixava claro que o plano de assassinato datava de 14 de abril. A defesa surpreendentemente não pediu que o diário de Booth fosse apresentado no tribunal.

Em 29 de junho de 1865, Mary Surratt, Lewis Paine, George Atzerodt, David Herold, Samuel Mudd, Michael O'Laughlin, Edman Spangler e Samuel Arnold foram considerados culpados de estarem envolvidos na conspiração para assassinar Abraham Lincoln. Surratt, Paine, Atzerot e Herold foram enforcados na Penitenciária de Washington em 7 de julho de 1865. Surratt, que deveria ser suspensa, foi a primeira mulher na história americana a ser executada.

Em janeiro de 1867, Lafayette Baker publicou seu livro, História do Serviço Secreto. No livro, Baker descreveu seu papel na captura dos conspiradores. Ele também revelou que uma leiteria havia sido tirada de John Wilkes Booth quando ele foi baleado. Esta informação sobre o diário de Booth resultou em Baker sendo chamado perante um comitê do Congresso investigando o assassinato de Abraham Lincoln. Stanton foi forçado a entregar o diário de Booth. Quando o diário foi mostrado pelo comitê, Baker afirmou que alguém havia "cortado dezoito folhas". Quando chamado perante o comitê, Stanton negou ser o responsável pela remoção das páginas.

Esta informação sobre o diário de Booth resultou em Baker sendo chamado perante um comitê do Congresso investigando o assassinato de Abraham Lincoln. Edwin M. Stanton e o Departamento de Guerra foram forçados a entregar o diário de Booth. Quando o diário foi mostrado pelo comitê, Baker afirmou que alguém havia "cortado dezoito folhas". Quando chamado perante o comitê, Stanton negou ser o responsável pela remoção das páginas.

Depois da guerra, Stanton continuou como Secretário da Guerra, mas achou difícil se relacionar com o novo presidente, Andrew Johnson. Stanton discordou dos planos de Johnson de readmitir os estados separados à União sem garantias de direitos civis para os escravos libertos.

Em março de 1867, o Congresso aprovou a primeira das Leis de Reconstrução que previa o sufrágio para os negros. Johnson tentou vetar a legislação, mas quando isso falhou, ele conseguiu atrasar o programa e minou sua ineficácia.

Stanton deixou claro que discordava de Andrew Johnson e, em 1867, o presidente tentou retirá-lo do cargo e substituí-lo por Ulysses S. Grant. Stanton se recusou a ir e foi apoiado pelo Senado. Grant agora desistiu e foi substituído por Lorenzo Thomas. Isso foi uma violação do Tenure of Office Act e alguns membros do Partido Republicano começaram a falar sobre o impeachment de Johnson.

Em novembro de 1867, o Comitê Judiciário votou 5-4 para que Johnson fosse acusado de crimes graves e contravenções. O relatório majoritário escrito por George H. Williams continha uma série de acusações, incluindo indulto a traidores, lucrando com a eliminação ilegal de ferrovias no Tennessee, desafiando o Congresso, negando o direito de reconstruir o Sul e tentativas de impedir a ratificação da Décima Quarta Emenda.

Em 30 de março de 1868, o julgamento de impeachment de Johnson começou. Johnson foi o primeiro e único presidente dos Estados Unidos a sofrer impeachment. O julgamento, realizado no Senado em março, foi presidido pelo presidente da Suprema Corte Salmon Chase. Johnson foi defendido por seu ex-Attotney General, Henry Stanbury e William M. Evarts. Um dos mais ferozes críticos de Johnson, Thaddeus Stevens estava mortalmente doente, mas estava determinado a participar do processo e foi levado ao Senado em uma cadeira.

Charles Sumner, outro adversário de longa data de Andrew Johnson liderou o ataque. Ele argumentou que: "Esta é uma das últimas grandes batalhas contra a escravidão. Expulso das câmaras legislativas, expulso do campo de guerra, este poder monstruoso encontrou um refúgio na mansão executiva, onde, em total desrespeito à Constituição e leis, ele procura exercer seu domínio antigo e de longo alcance. Tudo isso é muito claro. Ninguém pode questionar. Andrew Johnson é a personificação do poder do escravo tirânico. Nele ele vive novamente. Ele é o sucessor linear de João C. . Calhoun e Jefferson Davis; e ele reúne sobre ele os mesmos apoiadores. "

Embora um grande número de senadores acreditasse que Johnson fosse culpado das acusações, eles não gostaram da ideia de Benjamin Wade se tornar o próximo presidente. Wade, que acreditava no sufrágio feminino e nos direitos sindicais, era considerada por muitos membros do Partido Republicano como uma radical radical. James Garfield advertiu que Wade era "um homem de paixões violentas, opiniões extremas e visões estreitas, cercado pelos piores e mais violentos elementos do Partido Republicano".

Outros republicanos, como James Grimes, argumentaram que Johnson tinha menos de um ano no cargo e que estavam dispostos a votar contra o impeachment se Johnson estivesse disposto a fornecer algumas garantias de que não continuaria a interferir na Reconstrução.

Quando a votação foi realizada, todos os membros do Partido Democrata votaram contra o impeachment. O mesmo aconteceu com republicanos como Lyman Trumbull, William Fessenden e James Grimes, que não gostavam da ideia de Benjamin Wade se tornar presidente. O resultado foi de 35 a 19, um voto a menos da maioria de dois terços exigida para a condenação. O editor de The Detroit Post escreveu que "Andrew Johnson é inocente porque Ben Wade é culpado de ser seu sucessor."

Uma nova votação em 26 de maio também não conseguiu obter a maioria necessária para o impeachment de Johnson. Os republicanos radicais ficaram furiosos porque nem todo o Partido Republicano votou por uma condenação e Benjamin Butler alegou que Johnson havia subornado dois dos senadores que trocaram seus votos no último momento. Stanton foi obrigado a desistir de seu cargo no Gabinete.

Edwin Stanton voltou à sua prática de direito privado, mas quando Ulysses S. Grant se tornou presidente, nomeou Stanton para a Suprema Corte dos EUA. Infelizmente, Stanton morreu quatro dias depois, em 24 de dezembro de 1869.

Em seu livro, Por que Lincoln foi assassinado? (1937). O historiador Otto Eisenchiml sugeriu que Stanton arquitetou o complô para assassinar o presidente Abraham Lincoln. A evidência para essa teoria incluiu o emprego de John Parker para proteger Lincoln, o fracasso de Stanton em fechar todas as estradas de Washington, o assassinato de John Wilkes Booth, a adulteração do diário de Booth e o encobrimento dos conspiradores para impedi-los de falar.

Aqueles que fazem guerra contra o governo perdem com justiça todos os direitos de propriedade e, como o trabalho e o serviço de seus escravos constituem a principal propriedade dos rebeldes de seus escravos constituem a principal propriedade dos rebeldes, tais propriedades devem compartilhar o destino comum da guerra . É claramente direito deste Governo armar escravos quando for necessário, assim como usar pólvora ou armas tiradas do inimigo.

Lincoln não sabia que o gigante obstinado que ele estava colocando era mais obstinadamente a favor de armar os escravos do que o homem que ele estava colocando para fora. Lincoln também não sabia que a recomendação que, por sua própria mão, expurgou do relatório de Cameron e que foi o meio de forçar seu suposto autor a sair, foi concebida e escrita pelo próprio homem que agora entrava e, portanto, pode-se dizer que Stanton escreveu seu próprio compromisso.

Stanton me disse que o grande objetivo da guerra era abolir a escravidão. Terminar a guerra antes que a nação estivesse pronta para isso seria um fracasso. A guerra deve ser prolongada e conduzida de modo a conseguir isso.

Stanton acredita na mera força, contanto que ele a empunhe, mas se encolhe diante dela, quando empunhada por qualquer outra mão. Se o presidente tivesse um pouco mais de força, ele controlaria ou dispensaria Stanton.

Todas as pessoas que abriguem ou sigam os conspiradores ou que auxiliem em sua ocultação ou fuga, serão tratadas como cúmplices do assassinato do Presidente e estarão sujeitas a julgamento perante uma comissão militar e à pena de morte.

Os presos para maior segurança contra conversas terão uma sacola de lona colocada na cabeça de cada um e amarrada no pescoço, com orifícios para respirar e comer bem, mas não ver.

A cobertura para a cabeça era feita de lona, ​​que cobria toda a cabeça e rosto, caindo na parte inferior do peito. Ele tinha cordões presos, que eram amarrados em volta do pescoço e do corpo de tal maneira que removê-lo era uma impossibilidade física. Freqüentemente, era impossível colocar comida na boca.

O país não conseguia entender por que Johnson não dispensou o infiel Secretário de Guerra. Os radicais ficaram tão surpresos quanto os conservadores. Doolittle, o senador de Wisconsin, escreveu que: "Por seis longos meses, venho pedindo ao presidente que convoque Grant temporariamente para fazer as funções do Departamento de Guerra. Mas Stanton permanece, e assim o relatório se espalhou por todo o estado , que há algo sinistro. Tudo começou com a impressão do Milwaukee Sentinel da carta de um correspondente de Washington, que diz que Stanton não foi removido porque há rumores e se acredita que Stanton tem um testemunho para mostrar que o Sr. Johnson estava a par do assassinato de Lincoln . "

O fracasso do presidente em exercer seu indubitável direito de se livrar de um ministro que discordava dele em questões muito importantes, que se tornara pessoalmente desagradável para ele, e a quem ele considerava um inimigo e um espião, foi um erro crasso que havia não era desculpa.

Eu conheço o General Grant melhor do que qualquer outra pessoa no país pode conhecê-lo. Era meu dever estudá-lo, e o fiz dia e noite, quando o vi e quando não o vi, e agora digo o que sei, ele não pode governar este país.

Foi no dia 10 de abril de 1865, quando soube pela primeira vez que o plano estava em ação. Eu não sabia a identidade do assassino, mas sabia quase tudo quando abordei Edwin Stanton sobre isso. Ele imediatamente pareceu surpreso e incrédulo. Posteriormente, ele disse: "Você também é parte disso. Vamos esperar para ver o que sai e saberemos melhor como agir no assunto." Logo descobri o que ele quis dizer com o fato de eu participar, quando no dia seguinte me mostraram um documento que eu sabia ser uma falsificação, mas muito inteligente, o que me fez parecer que eu era o responsável por um complô para sequestrar o Presidente, sendo o vice-presidente o instigador. Então eu me tornei parte desse ato, embora não me importasse.

Havia pelo menos onze membros do Congresso envolvidos na trama, não menos que doze oficiais do Exército, três oficiais da Marinha e pelo menos vinte e quatro civis, dos quais um era governador de um estado leal. Cinco eram banqueiros de grande reputação, três eram jornalistas de renome nacional e onze eram industriais de grande reputação e riqueza. Oitenta e cinco mil dólares foram contribuídos pelas pessoas nomeadas para pagar pela escritura. Apenas oito pessoas conheciam os detalhes da trama e a identidade das outras. Temo por minha vida.

Houve um homem que lucrou muito com a morte de Lincoln; o homem que era seu secretário de guerra, Edwin M. Stanton. Brusco, insolente, cruel, Stanton foi sem dúvida o membro mais impopular da administração de Lincoln; mas o presidente, apesar da forte pressão, relutou em deixá-lo ir enquanto o conflito se agravava; ele parecia pensar que ninguém mais poderia fazer o trabalho também.

Depois que a guerra acabou, entretanto, parecia apenas uma questão de tempo quando Lincoln se desfaria de uma secretária que estava rapidamente se tornando uma responsabilidade pessoal e política para ele. Era uma vantagem ter o presidente fora do caminho; significaria a continuação do cargo, aumento do poder sobre um novo e supostamente fraco Chefe do Executivo e uma perspectiva justa de substituí-lo nas próximas eleições.

Como secretário da Guerra, Stanton falhou em seu dever de proteger a vida do presidente depois que ele se convenceu de que havia perigo no ar. Ele negou sem rodeios o pedido de Lincoln de ser protegido pelo Major Eckert e não forneceu um substituto adequado.

Foi provavelmente devido aos esforços de Stanton que todas as evidências de negligência por parte de John F. Parker foram cuidadosamente suprimidas. Ele dirigiu a perseguição de Booth e permitiu que fosse conduzida de uma maneira que, se não fosse o ferimento acidental do assassino, teria permitido sua fuga.

A verdadeira perseguição e subsequente captura de Booth foram silenciadas por métodos incomuns e subsequentemente removidas do contato com o público, seja pela imposição da pena de morte ou pelo banimento para uma fortaleza deserta. Outros prisioneiros, com pelo menos igual culpa, escaparam da punição.

Por mais plausível que pareça essa acusação, ela não teria chance de sobreviver a um ataque legal. Não há um ponto neste resumo que possa ser provado; tudo é hipótese. A evidência circunstancial, na melhor das hipóteses, é um fundamento perigoso sobre o qual construir.


Mary Stanton

Edwin McMasters Stanton nasceu em 19 de dezembro de 1814, em Steubenville, Ohio, o mais velho dos quatro filhos de David e Lucy Norman Stanton. Ele tinha seis irmãos e irmãs. Desde a infância, Edwin sofreu de asma ao longo de sua vida. Seu pai era um médico quacre e, depois de sua morte em 1827, Edwin trabalhou em uma livraria por cinco anos para ajudar no sustento de sua família.

Imagem: Secretário da Guerra da União, Edwin M. Stanton

Depois de deixar o Kenyon College em 1833, Stanton estudou Direito com um juiz. Ele foi admitido na Ordem dos Advogados de Ohio em 1835, mas teve que esperar vários meses até seu aniversário de 21 anos antes de poder começar a praticar. Ele desenvolveu uma carreira jurídica de muito sucesso em Ohio, depois em Pittsburgh e, finalmente, em Washington, DC.

Casamento e família
Em 31 de maio de 1836, Edwin Stanton casou-se com Mary Lamson, e eles tiveram dois filhos: Lucy Lamson Stanton (n. 11 de março de 1837) e Edwin Lamson Stanton (n. Em agosto de 1842). Eles construíram uma casa na pequena cidade de Cadiz, Ohio, e ele exerceu a advocacia lá. A filha Lucy, de quinze meses, morreu em 1841.

Mary Lamson Stanton morreu em 13 de março de 1844. A perda de sua amada esposa deixou Stanton em uma profunda depressão. Então, em 1846, Stanton & # 8217s irmão Darwin cortou sua própria garganta & # 8211 & # 8220O sangue jorrou até o teto, & # 8221 um médico lembrou.

Tantas perdas em tão pouco tempo mudaram Stanton, substituindo o bom humor por uma intensidade brusca, até rude. Ele se mudou para Pittsburgh, perdeu-se no trabalho jurídico e se tornou um litigante feroz.

Em junho de 1856, doze anos depois de perder sua primeira esposa, Stanton casou-se com Ellen Hutchinson, uma mulher muito mais jovem. Membro de uma família proeminente de Pittsburgh, Ellen equiparou-se a Stanton em indiferença. Eles tiveram quatro filhos: Eleanor Adams Stanton (n. 9 de maio de 1857), James Hutchinson Stanton (n. 1861 d. 10 de julho de 1862), Lewis Hutchinson Stanton (n. 1862) e Bessie Stanton (n. 1863).

Stanton está listado com sua família no Censo de 1860. Atualmente, sua profissão é reconhecida como advogado, seu valor imobiliário é de $ 40.000 e seus bens pessoais são avaliados em $ 267.000. A família tinha quatro servos morando com eles.

Carreira jurídica de Stanton e # 8217s
Ainda em Ohio, Stanton tornou-se ativo na sociedade antiescravista local e foi eleito promotor público do condado de Harrison como democrata. Baixo, rechonchudo, míope e asmático, ele era um advogado brilhante conhecido por seu temperamento ruim.

Em 1847, Stanton mudou-se para Pittsburgh, Pensilvânia. Ele era um advogado competente e seu negócio prosperou lá. De 1849 a 1856, ele foi advogado do estado da Pensilvânia, estabelecendo uma reputação nacional conforme atuava perante a Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos.

Por causa de sua grande prática perante a Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos, Edwin Stanton mudou-se para Washington, DC, em 1856. Em 1858, ele foi enviado para a Califórnia pelo Procurador-Geral dos Estados Unidos como agente federal especial para o acordo de reivindicações de terras, e Stanton teve sucesso em acabando com uma conspiração pela qual o governo teria sido roubado de vastas extensões de terra de valor quase inestimável.

Em 1859, Stanton foi um dos principais advogados da equipe de defesa de Daniel Sickles, um político e mais tarde general da União. Sickles foi acusado de assassinar o amante de sua esposa, Philip Barton Key II, filho de Francis Scott Key. Stanton e seus colegas convenceram o júri a absolver Sickles com base em insanidade temporária, marcando um dos primeiros usos desse apelo.

Em 1860, o presidente James Buchanan nomeou Stanton como procurador-geral dos Estados Unidos. Stanton se opôs fortemente à secessão e é creditado por mudar a opinião de Buchanan sobre a secessão. Em vez de tolerar a secessão, Buchanan começou a denunciá-la como inconstitucional e ilegal. Ele aconselhou Buchanan a agir energicamente contra o Sul, mas como o presidente não o fez, Stanton secretamente manteve os republicanos, principalmente William Henry Seward, informados sobre as decisões políticas da Casa Branca.

Antes da Guerra Civil, Stanton era um democrata, oposto à escravidão, mas um firme defensor dos direitos constitucionais dos proprietários de escravos e um adversário ferrenho de Abraham Lincoln, cujo partido ele então odiava e desconfiava.

Stanton e a Guerra Civil
Edwin Stanton se opôs politicamente ao republicano Abraham Lincoln em 1860. Depois que Lincoln foi eleito presidente, Stanton concordou em trabalhar como consultor jurídico do Secretário da Guerra Simon Cameron, apenas para & # 8220ajudar a salvar o país. & # 8221 Em 1862, o presidente Lincoln decidiu remover o corrupto e ineficaz Cameron, nomeando-o Ministro para a Rússia.

William H. Seward e Salmon P. Chase pressionaram com sucesso o presidente para nomear Stanton como seu novo Secretário de Guerra. Embora muitas vezes tivesse denunciado violentamente o presidente Lincoln, este último pensava ter visto em Stanton um bom secretário da Guerra e, em janeiro de 1862, convidou-o para seu gabinete.

Stanton mais uma vez desistiu de um próspero escritório de advocacia para entrar no serviço público, sacrificando uma renda anual de $ 40.000 a $ 50.000 como advogado por um salário de gabinete de $ 8.000. Sem experiência militar, ele mudou-se para o cargo com zelo, lutando contra a fraude e o desperdício nas forças armadas que se expandiram rapidamente.

Stanton provou ser um oficial de gabinete forte e eficaz, instituindo práticas para livrar o Departamento de Guerra do desperdício e da corrupção. Ele removeu uma horda de empreiteiros fraudulentos, manteve os exércitos em campo bem equipados e injetou energia em generais procrastinadores.

Em 8 de agosto de 1862, o Secretário emitiu uma ordem para & # 8220 prender e prender qualquer pessoa ou pessoas que possam estar engajadas, por ato, fala ou escrita, em desencorajar alistamentos de voluntários, ou de qualquer forma dar ajuda e conforto ao inimigo, ou em qualquer outra prática desleal contra os Estados Unidos. & # 8221

Stanton foi muito eficaz na administração do enorme Departamento de Guerra. Ele era vigoroso, rígido e freqüentemente severo, e seus modos foram a causa de considerável atrito entre o Departamento de Guerra e os generais da União. Mas quando a pressão foi exercida para remover o secretário impopular do cargo, Lincoln o defendeu. Uma das conquistas de Stanton e # 8217 foi a dispersão pacífica de 800.000 soldados no final da guerra.

Edwin Stanton e Abraham Lincoln
No início da guerra, Stanton frequentemente criticava o presidente Lincoln em sua correspondência, mas o desrespeito de Stanton para com Lincoln datava do início de 1857. Duas empresas diferentes em Illinois fabricavam ceifeiras. A Cyrus McCormick Company of Chicago era maior e mais antiga. The Manny Company of Rockford era o único concorrente da McCormick & # 8217s.

Cyrus McCormick entrou com uma ação contra John H. Manny por violação de patente. Stanton, George Harding e Abraham Lincoln foram nomeados para a equipe jurídica de Manny & # 8217s. Com entusiasmo, Lincoln começou a trabalhar em seu briefing. Ele sabia pouco sobre lei de patentes ou ceifeiros, então ele viajou para Rockford para aprender mais sobre o ceifeiro Manny.

Lincoln chegou ao tribunal vestindo seu melhor terno. Quando Stanton o viu, perguntou: & # 8220 De onde veio o babuíno de braços longos? & # 8221 Ele também o descreveu como & # 8220Uma criatura longa e esguia de Illinois, usando um espanador de linho sujo como casaco e nas costas cujo suor tinha manchas largas que pareciam um mapa do continente. & # 8221 Lincoln não teve qualquer participação no julgamento.

Quando Lincoln foi eleito presidente, o Secretário de Estado William H. Seward e o Secretário do Tesouro Salmon P. Chase pressionaram o presidente a nomear Stanton para um cargo federal na primavera de 1861 e # 8211, talvez advogado dos EUA para o Distrito da Colômbia, mas outro candidato conseguiu o posto.

A situação era muito diferente quando se tratava de substituir Simon Cameron como Secretário da Guerra. O biógrafo de Stanton, Fletcher Pratt, observou: & # 8220 Praticamente todos em Washington na época, e algumas pessoas fora da cidade, se consideravam pessoalmente responsáveis ​​pela nomeação de Stanton & # 8217s como Secretário da Guerra. & # 8221

Mas a realidade, segundo Pratt, era que o próprio Lincoln escolheu seu homem e discretamente deixou que os outros pensassem que estavam por trás disso, já que a impressão não prejudicou e os fez se sentir bem quando a nomeação foi um sucesso. Assim que ficou evidente que Cameron teria de sair, o presidente quis substituí-lo por um democrata sindical proeminente, de preferência alguém que tivesse estado associado ao governo anterior. & # 8221 Stanton atendeu a ambos os requisitos.

Os biógrafos de Stanton Benjamin P. Thomas e Harold M. Hyman observaram:

O presidente, triste com os fracassos que haviam afetado a causa da União até então, e cansado da inépcia e incapacidade de muitos daqueles que o serviam, viu em Stanton o homem de que ele precisava. Quase imediatamente, uma profunda intimidade começou a crescer entre essas duas personalidades díspares. Lincoln nunca se referiu ao abuso que havia sofrido nas mãos de Stanton & # 8217s nos anos anteriores, ou aos apelidos que Stanton usara contra ele mais recentemente. Stanton encontrou um homem para seguir.

Brusco e destemperado com o povo, rígido e vigoroso em busca da vitória da União, Stanton fez poucos amigos no Departamento de Guerra ou no gabinete, mas ele e o presidente aos poucos forjaram uma admiração mútua.

Ambos os homens eram pais amorosos e, como o presidente, Stanton veio a entender a perda de um filho. Willie Lincoln morreu de uma doença semelhante à febre tifóide em 20 de fevereiro de 1862. O filho pequeno de Stanton, James Hutchinson Stanton, nascido em 1861, morreu em 10 de julho de 1862.

Stanton e o presidente Lincoln vieram para compartilhar os fardos da guerra. Em setembro de 1863, Stanton & # 8217s despachou 23.000 homens de leste a oeste em menos de sete dias para reforçar as posições do General William Rosecrans como uma maravilha logística. Um dos primeiros admiradores do general Ulyysses S. Grant, Stanton empurrou seu avanço e aprovou com entusiasmo sua nomeação como general-chefe dos exércitos da União em 1864.

Imagem: Presidente Abraham Lincoln e seu gabinete
Lincoln se reuniu com seu gabinete para a leitura do primeiro rascunho da Proclamação de Emancipação em 22 de julho de 1862. A partir da esquerda: Edwin M. Stanton, Salmon P. Chase, Abraham Lincoln, Gideon Welles, Caleb B. Smith, William H. Seward , Montgomery Blair e Edward Bates.

Lincoln confiou no julgamento de Stanton e passou a confiar fortemente em seus conselhos. Stanton também foi um forte defensor da Proclamação de Emancipação de Lincoln e dos direitos dos homens e mulheres libertos, que ele muito fez para defender. Stanton freqüentemente proclamou sua independência e superioridade legal sobre o presidente. Foi uma presunção que o presidente tolerou benignamente. Nos últimos três anos da Guerra Civil, seu relacionamento foi transformado.

A opinião elevada de Lincoln e # 8217 sobre Stanton pode ser vista na seguinte citação:

Ele é a rocha na praia de nosso oceano nacional contra a qual as ondas quebram e rugem, correm e rugem sem cessar. Ele luta contra as águas furiosas e as impede de minar e dominar a terra. Senhores, não vejo como ele sobrevive, por que não é esmagado e feito em pedaços. Sem ele eu deveria ser destruído. Ele executa sua tarefa de maneira sobre-humana.

Stanton se tornou um republicano, pressionando firmemente por uma ação que beneficiaria a população negra livre e escrava, e aparentemente mudou sua opinião sobre Lincoln. De acordo com o jornalista Noah Brooks, Stanton era & # 8220 o que é popularmente conhecido como cabeça de touro, ou seja, ele é obstinado, implacável, decidido e não é facilmente desviado de qualquer propósito. & # 8221 Ou seja, Stanton era não particularmente simpático & # 8211, mas o presidente Lincoln gostava dele.

Quando o presidente da Suprema Corte, Roger Taney, morreu em outubro de 1864, Stanton queria ser nomeado seu substituto. Lincoln acreditava, porém, que era mais importante para a causa da União como Secretário da Guerra, então o presidente nomeou Chase. A gestão eficaz de Stanton ajudou a organizar os enormes recursos militares do Norte e a guiar a União para a vitória.

Por causa de sua saúde frágil, Stanton tentou renunciar logo após a rendição dos confederados em Appomattox em abril de 1865, mas sua renúncia foi rejeitada pelo presidente Lincoln. The President reportedly said: “Stanton, you cannot go. Reconstruction is more difficult and dangerous than construction or destruction. You have been our main reliance you must help us through the final act. The bag is filled. It must be tied and tied securely. Some knots slip yours do not. You understand the situation better than anybody else, and it is my wish and the country’s that you remain.”

Lincoln’s Assassination
Stanton’s true heroic nature emerged in the hours after Lincoln’s assassination. During that tumultuous night of terror and confusion, it was Edwin Stanton who held the United States together. Peace with the South was still shaky, and there was a lingering fear that officers like Nathan Bedford Forrest would drag out the war. Without a President to lead the United States and Jefferson Davis still at large, the future was uncertain.

Edwin Stanton stood firm in the face of all of this. On April 14, 1865, Abraham Lincoln was murdered by John Wilkes Booth. Booth had originally planned to decapitate the entire U.S. government by taking out Secretary of State William Seward, Vice President Andrew Johnson, and Edwin Stanton. Stanton was saved by a malfunctioning doorbell that hadn’t been fixed.

Edwin Stanton learned about Lincoln’s assassination while he was checking on the injured Seward, and went immediately to the Peterson House across from Ford’s Theater, where Lincoln was taken after the shooting. Stanton immediately took charge of the scene.

Mary Todd Lincoln was so unhinged by the experience that Stanton had her ordered from the room. When Lincoln died, Stanton remarked, “Now he belongs to the ages. There lies the most perfect ruler of men the world has ever seen.”

Washington was abuzz with rumors that the Confederates were regrouping, and Stanton sent out a steady stream of memos and letters to government officials. He ordered General Grant back to Washington and put the military on alert. He paved the way for a smooth transition of power to Vice President Andrew Johnson, getting all the Cabinet members to agree to stay on or resign as Andrew Johnson saw fit.

Presidential aide John Hay wrote to Stanton after President Lincoln’s death: “Not everyone knows, as I do, how close you stood to our lost leader, how he loved you and trusted you, and how vain were all the efforts to shake that trust and confidence, not lightly given and never withdrawn.”

Secretary Stanton vigorously pursued the apprehension and prosecution of the conspirators involved in Lincoln’s assassination. These proceedings were not handled by the civil courts, but by a military tribunal, and therefore under Stanton’s direction. He was subsequently accused of witness tampering, and of other activities that skewed the outcome of the trials.

Though from the start John Wilkes Booth was known to be the murderer, in the search for his conspirators scores of suspected accomplices were arrested and thrown into prison. The suspects were finally winnowed to eight: Samuel Arnold, George Atzerodt, David Herold, Samuel Mudd, Michael O’Laughlen, Lewis Powell, Edmund Spangler, and Mary Surratt.

Stanton ordered an unusual form of isolation for the eight suspects. He ordered eight heavy canvas hoods made, padded one-inch thick with cotton, with one small hole for eating, no opening for eyes or ears. A ball of extra cotton padding covered the eyes so that there was painful pressure on the closed lids. Stanton ordered that the hoods be worn by the seven men day and night to prevent conversation. Hood number eight was never used on Mary Surratt, the owner of the boarding house where the conspirators had laid their plans.

No baths or washing of any kind were allowed, and during the hot breathless weeks of the trial the prisoners’ faces became more swollen and bloated by the day. The prison doctor began to fear for the conspirators’ sanity, but Stanton would not allow the hoods, nor the rigid wrist irons and anklets, each connected to a ball weighing seventy-five pounds, to be removed.

Stanton remained as Secretary of War under President Andrew Johnson. Stanton was a staunch defender of the rights of freedmen following the Civil War, and he detested individuals who treated the freedmen unfairly. Initially, the Stanton and Johnson agreed on policy until Stanton heard rumors that the freedmen were being mistreated. His relations with the president thereafter were not good.

Stanton was finally asked to resign, and on his refusal to do so the President suspended him from office in August 1867. Under the terms of the Tenure of Office Act, the Senate refused (January 13, 1868) to concur in the suspension, and Stanton returned to his duties.

On February 21, 1868, President Johnson appointed General Lorenzo Thomas secretary of war and ordered Stanton to vacate the office, but on the same day the Senate upheld Stanton. He invoked military protection from General Ulysses S. Grant, who placed General Eugene Asa Carr in charge of the War Department building.

Congress came to Stanton’s rescue by impeaching the President, the principal article of impeachment being that based on the removal of Stanton. President Andrew Johnson escaped impeachment by a single vote in the Senate, in part because of a secret agreement with Senate members to abide by the Republican legislations.

When the impeachment proceedings failed on May 26, 1868, Stanton resigned and returned to his private law practice.

Stanton’s wish to sit on the Supreme Court appeared to be fulfilled when President Ulysses S. Grant appointed him and the Senate confirmed him on the same day, December 20, 1868. But Stanton died before taking the oath of office.

Edwin McMasters Stanton died of respiratory failure on December 24, 1869, in Washington, DC, and is buried there in Oak Hill Cemetery.

Stanton had a violent temper and a sharp tongue, but he was courageous, energetic, thoroughly honest and a genuine patriot.


In and out of cabinets

When Abraham Lincoln was elected president in November 1860, outgoing president James Buchanan (1791– 1868 served 1857–61) reorganized his cabinet (top-ranking advisors of the president). Lincoln's election was viewed with disfavor in the South because of Lincoln's antislavery sentiments. Buchanan wanted to ensure the Union remained together. Buchanan chose Stanton to be his attorney general for the short but significant four months remaining in the president's term in office. Stanton helped convince Buchanan not to abandon the federally owned Fort Sumter in South Carolina. The state had seceded (separated) from the Union and demanded that federal troops be removed from the fort.

Stanton's brief time as attorney general ended with the conclusion of the Buchanan presidency in March 1861. In April, Confederate troops fired on Fort Sumter and the Civil War was underway. Later in 1861, Stanton became a friend and confidential legal adviser of George B. McClellan (1826–1885), the general in charge of the Union army. Stanton also served as a legal adviser to Secretary of War Simon Cameron (1799–1899). He provided advice on Cameron's proposal to supply arms to slaves in the South to fight the Confederacy. Lincoln was so appalled at the suggestion that he fired Cameron. Oddly enough, Lincoln chose Stanton to replace Cameron. After his appointment was confirmed by the Senate on January 15, 1862, Stanton took office.

Stanton reorganized the War Department (now called the Defense Department). He carefully examined contracts for war supplies and demanded that supplies arrive on time. Stanton's dedication ensured that Union armies were always well supplied with materials and food. To better manage the war effort, Stanton worked through Congress to take control of telegraph lines: all information on the lines was directed through Stanton's office, enabling him to manage news reports and to remove any items Confederates might find valuable. Stanton also took control of railway lines: He ensured trains were available for troop movement and shipping of supplies, and he hired crews to build and repair railroads to keep the important transportation lines operating. Stanton remained in close touch with military commanders and with the congressional Committee on the Conduct of the War.


Henry Ulke painted an evocative portrait of Edwin Stanton that is now in the National Portrait Gallery.

“Good and evil were strangely blended in the character of this great war minister,” George Templeton Strong wrote a few days after Edwin Stanton died. “He was honest, patriotic, able, indefatigable, warm-hearted, unselfish, incorruptible, arbitrary, capricious, tyrannical, vindictive, hateful, and cruel.”

Strong, a New York lawyer who knew Stanton well, was right: Stanton was all of those things, a strange blend of good and evil. As the Union’s Secretary of War during most of the Civil War, he was Lincoln’s military right hand, the man whom the President referred to as his “Mars.”

Working together in Stanton’s telegraph office, the two men received telegraphic reports from the battlefield and gave instructions directly to the generals. Stanton’s great contribution was organization: organizing the war department, the million-man army, and the northern railroads and telegraphs, to bring them all to bear against the South.

Stanton also led the effort to capture John Wilkes Booth, the investigation into the assassinations, and the executions of the guilty parties..

Stanton was also Secretary of War in the months and years just after the Civil War. Stanton organized the military trial of those accused in the murder of Lincoln and attempted murder of Seward, which ended in the execution of four of those involved, including Mary Surratt. Stanton transformed the Union army from a fighting force into an army of occupation, to occupy and pacify the South. Reading the almost daily reports of violence in the South, Stanton believed that the Army had to remain in the South, to protect southern blacks and Union sympathizers. President Andrew Johnson believed that the Army had to leave the South, so that southerners could govern the South. Their disagreement grew so intense that Johnson attempted to remove Stanton, which led to the impeachment and near removal of the president. So to understand the nation’s first impeachment of a president, one has to understand Stanton, for Stanton was at the center, he was the cause, of the Johnson impeachment.

Stanton was born in Steubenville, Ohio, on the banks of the Ohio River, not far from Pittsburgh, in late 1814. His father was a doctor, but his father died when Edwin was only thirteen, and as the oldest son Stanton had to work, in a bookstore, to help feed the family. A friend recalled that young Edwin was a good employee with one fault he was often so busy reading a book that he paid no attention when a customer came in to the bookstore. Money was so tight that Stanton was only able to go to college for three terms, to Kenyon College in Ohio, and then he “read law” in order to become a lawyer. He soon became a successful lawyer, the county prosecutor for several years, and he was involved in politics, as a die-hard Democrat. Stanton’s friend and law partner, Benjamin Tappan, was a United States senator in these years, and Stanton served as his Ohio eyes and ears: giving speeches, writing resolutions, attending conventions.

Stanton married Mary Lamson in late 1836 and they had two children. Their daughter died and then, in early 1844, Stanton’s wife Mary died. For several weeks he was near madness, wandering around the house at night, wailing “where’s Mary, where’s Mary?” Two years later Stanton’s brother Darwin, a doctor, in a fit of “brain fever” used his scalpel to commit suicide. Death was a constant part of Stanton’s life.

Stanton represented Pennsylvania in its suit against the Wheeling Suspension Bridge, which was a vital link in the National Road to Ohio but which blocked some steamboats from passing down the river. The case became an important precedent when the Supreme Court ruled that Congress has the right to regulate interstate commerce. The steamboats eventually developed hinged smokestacks to navigate under low bridges.

Leaving his young son in the care of his mother and sisters, Stanton moved to Pittsburgh in 1848, at the time a dark, dirty, brash, booming industrial center. Stanton’s most famous case from this period was the Wheeling bridge case, in which he argued that the Wheeling bridge was an unlawful impediment to interstate commerce, to the steamboat traffic on the Ohio River, because the tallest steamboats could not pass under the bridge at high water.

The case went on for a decade, back and forth among different courts, including several trips to Washington, to argue in the Supreme Court. There was also a political battle, in which the bridge company secured a statute from Congress declaring the road across the bridge a postal road, and then claimed this protected the bridge from Stanton’s efforts to have it removed or raised. At one point the bridge blew down in a storm, leading to questions about whether and how it could be rebuilt. The bridge Stanton wanted to see removed is still standing there, a national historic landmark, but in another sense Stanton won, for steamboat traffic continued, and Pittsburgh did not (as some had feared) lose its status as the regional center to Wheeling.

Not long after he moved to Pittsburgh, Stanton met Ellen Hutchison, daughter of a prominent Pittsburgh merchant. Some of the love letters that Edwin wrote to Ellen, in the months before their marriage, are in the National Archives in Washington. In December 1854, he wrote to Ellen from Washington describing a dinner party. “It was chiefly a gentleman’s party, and they are excessively stupid generally. While ladies are present the conversation is usually upon general or interesting topics but after their departure wine and segars, drinking, eating and political topics neither elevating or refining in their tendency ensue. I would never attend such assemblages if it could be avoided. I cannot but contrast the sensations produced by such associations with the feelings after spending the same length of time with a cultivated and refined woman like yourself dear Ellen.”

In September 1855, Stanton went to Cincinnati, to be part of a legal team in a patent case that included Abraham Lincoln. Stanton was supposedly rude to the future President, at this their first meeting, but there is no trace of that in these letters, or in other contemporary sources, only in memoirs written years later, by people who were not there. So although Stanton was often impolite, it’s not certain he was rude to Lincoln when they first met.

In June 1856, on the morning of the day they would wed, Stanton wrote to Ellen: “I salute you with assurances of deep and devoted love, that this evening will be attested by solemn vow before the world and in the presence of God. With calm and joyful hope, disturbed by no conflicting feeling, quiet and peaceful, I await the happy hour that shall witness our Union—to be thereafter parted no more until death part us, living only for each other you a true and loving wife to me, I a true and devoted husband to you.”

The Stantons moved to Washington in late 1856, and he became an informal member of the Buchanan administration, doing legal work for the Attorney General, Jeremiah Black. At Black’s request, Stanton went to California for a year, to represent the federal government in major land cases, including one in which half of San Francisco was in dispute. Stanton loved California he just did not like the people who lived there. “With all its advantages of climate, soil and minerals,” Stanton wrote home in one letter, “California is heavily cursed with the bad passions of bad men and I would not like to make my permanent abode upon its soil.”

In another letter he wrote to Black that when “California becomes settled with a new race of people and all the thieves, forgers, perjurers, and murderers that have invested it beyond any spot on earth shall be driven off, the coast will breed a race of men that have had no equal for physical & intellectual capacity.” One of the murderers whom Stanton had in mind was my ancestor, Clancey John Dempster, leader of the 1856 vigilance committee which had “tried” and hanged several men for alleged murder. Easterners like Stanton viewed the vigilantes as mere murderers.

Stanton successfully defended Congressman Daniel Sickles in his trial for the murder of Barton Key, who was having an affair with Sickles' wife.

After he returned to Washington in early 1859, Stanton was part of the defense team for Daniel Sickles, a member of Congress, accused of murdering Philip Barton Key, in broad daylight in Lafayette Square. There was no question that Sickles had shot and killed Key there were dozens of witnesses. But Sickles had a good reason to kill Key, who was sleeping with the young wife of Sickles, and the jury acquitted the Congressman, in part because of Stanton’s passionate plea that they should “defend the family” and exonerate Sickles.

In 1860, just after the election of Lincoln, as the southern states were seceding, Buchanan brought Stanton into his cabinet as Attorney General. Stanton was part of the debate over whether Buchanan should yield up Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, as the southerners and their northern allies demanded. Stanton insisted that Buchanan could not yield up Fort Sumter to do so, Stanton told Buchanan, would be treason, making Buchanan just as bad as Benedict Arnold.

When Lincoln became president, in March 1861, Stanton returned to his private legal practice here in Washington. In private letters, Stanton was quite critical of the way in which Lincoln was handling the first few months of the war. He wrote that there was “no sign of any intelligent understanding by Lincoln, or the crew that groom him, of the state of the country, or the exigencies of the times. Bluster & bravura alternate with timidity & despair—recklessness and hopelessness by turns rule the hour. What but disgrace & disaster can happen?”

Lincoln probably heard rumors about Stanton’s comments and yet, in early 1862, when he needed to replace his Secretary of War, the disorganized and corrupt Simon Cameron, Lincoln turned to Stanton. Porque? Partly politics by appointing a leading Democrat Lincoln made it clear that this was a Union war, not just a Republican fight. Partly for personal reasons Lincoln didn’t know Stanton well but some of his friends and advisers (including Seward and Chase) knew and praised Stanton. Partly Stanton’s reputation he had a reputation for energy, efficiency, diligence, determination.

Lincoln frequently worked with Stanton at the War Department, reading and sending telegrams directly to generals in the field.

Stanton soon proved that his reputation was right. Within weeks of his appointment, for example, he had secured federal legislation to authorize the president to take control of the nation’s rail and telegraph systems. In theory Lincoln could have nationalized the railroads and telegraphs, seized them from their private owners, and compensated them only after the war’s end.

Instead, Stanton summoned the rail leaders to Washington, told them that he would work with them, but only if they would work closely with the War Department, and charge reasonable (read very low) rates. Stanton moved the Washington hub of the telegraph lines to his own office, so that served as the central command post for Lincoln and Stanton during the war.

A prime example of how Stanton used the rails and telegraphs during the war was his movement of troops in Tennessee in the fall of 1863. When it looked like the South would capture Chattanooga, along with thirty thousand northern troops there under General William Rosecrans, Stanton summoned Lincoln and others to the War Department for a midnight meeting. Stanton proposed to transfer 20,000 troops in a week’s time from northern Virginia to southern Tennessee. Lincoln laughed he said that it would take at least a week’s time to transfer the troops the thirty miles from northern Virginia into Washington.

Stanton insisted the situation was “too serious for jokes.” Stanton persuaded Lincoln, then Stanton spent the remainder of the night, and the next few nights, in his telegraph office, sending and receiving messages. It was an incredibly complex, nearly impossible task, involving half a dozen different rail companies and several rail widths, two crossings of the Ohio river, which was not bridged at the relevant points, and erratic, imperfect telegraph communication. Stanton managed the troops reached Chattanooga in a week they not only saved the city but enabled Grant (soon placed in command) to advance from there.

Researchers can read the story of the rail movement in original documents in the National Archives. Stanton kept a complete set of every telegram that arrived in, and every telegram that was sent from, his war department telegraph office. Some but not all of these telegrams are printed in the Official Records there are many interesting messages that can only be seen on National Archives microfilm. For the week of the rail movement, there are hundreds of messages, such as a request by Stanton that an aide at the Washington railroad station provide him with hourly reports regarding the troops arriving from northern Virginia and departing on the Baltimore & Ohio railroad heading west.

There are many other examples of Stanton the efficient, Stanton the diligent, but also Stanton the “arbitrary, capricious, tyrannical, vindictive, hateful, and cruel.” Not long after Stanton became secretary of war he heard complaints from members of Congress about General Charles Stone, a distinguished graduate of West Point with a long Army record. They claimed that Stone had inappropriate communications with rebel generals they accused him as well of returning fugitive slaves to their Maryland masters. Stanton arranged for Stone to be arrested, for him to be transported to Fort Lafayette, kept in solitary confinement. Stanton leaked to the newspapers the “charges” against Stone but, in spite of repeated requests from Stone, Stanton never presented formal charges to a military court martial. Stanton kept Stone in prison for half a year and, when Congress finally forced Stanton to release Stone, Stanton denied Stone the chance to redeem himself on the battlefield.

Dennis Mahoney is another example of Stanton the tyrant. Mahoney was the editor of an anti-administration paper in Dubuque, Iowa. When Stanton issued an order, in the summer of 1862, authorizing the arrest of those who were “discouraging volunteer enlistments” Mahoney was among those arrested. The Democrats of his district responded by naming Mahoney as their candidate for Congress Stanton’s response was to leave Mahoney in jail until after the election. In the next year, Mahoney published a book on his prison experience, and he dedicated the book to Stanton, saying Stanton had earned the distinction by his “acts of outrage, tyranny and despotism.”

In 1863, Stanton issued General Order No. 143 to create the Bureau of U.S. Colored Troops, enabling African-American solders to fight for the Union. A Maryland solder who posed for a daguerrotype with his family probably fought in the U.S.C.T. Biblioteca do Congresso.

Stanton was an early advocate for an emancipation proclamation. Stanton was also concerned about the former slaves who crowded around the Union Army camps he wanted to put the slaves to work, ideally putting the men into uniform as Union soldiers. Stanton wanted black soldiers not just because he needed more soldiers Stanton understood the ways in which serving in the Union Army would change the lives of the former slaves. Stanton also pressed Congress for legislation, ultimately passed in early 1865, to create within the War Department a Freedmen’s Bureau, to look after the black women and children. For Stanton this was a moral issue the federal government could not just free the slaves and leave them on their own to cope, without resources and without education.

Stanton was instrumental in creating the Freedman's Bureau late in the Civil War to protect freed slaves and provide them with food, clothing, and shelter. And 1868 engraving in Harper's Weekly showed a Bureau agent standing between armed Southern whites and freedmen.

What was Stanton’s relationship with Lincoln? In some senses they were similar: both from the Midwest, both lawyers, both political leaders, both opposed to slavery. In some sense they were very different: Lincoln always ready to listen, always ready to tell a story Stanton always impatient, often rude. There is a scene in Spielberg’s Lincoln movie that captures this well Lincoln and Stanton are in the telegraph room, and Lincoln is reminded of a story. Stanton blurts out: “you’re going to tell one of your stories! I can’t stand to hear another one of your stories!” And Stanton storms off to deal with a report, while Lincoln settles down to tell a rather risqué story.

But the two men worked extraordinarily well together. There was frequently pressure on Lincoln to remove Stanton, starting only weeks after he appointed the War Secretary, but Lincoln never considered it because he knew and valued Stanton’s work. Lincoln’s secretary John Hay put it well in a letter to Stanton not long after Lincoln’s death. “Not everyone knows, as I do, how close you stood to our lost leader, how he loved you and trusted you, and how vain were all efforts to shake that trust and confidence, not lightly given and never withdrawn.”

When Lincoln was assassinated, Secretary of War Stanton took charge of the investigation and eventual execution of the conspirators.

At about ten o’clock on the night of April 14, 1865, Stanton learned that John Wilkes Booth had shot Abraham Lincoln and almost simultaneously an assailant had attacked with a knife Secretary of State William Henry Seward and others in the Seward household.

Stanton rushed to Seward’s house, where he saw the blood-stained but surviving Seward, and the other victims, six in all in the house soaked in blood. Stanton then went, over the protests of his advisers, to the Petersen House, on Tenth Street, to which soldiers had borne the dying Lincoln. Stanton did not linger with Lincoln and the doctors he went into the next room and went to work. He summoned and questioned witnesses, attempting to identify the assassins and their accomplices. He sent orders to arrest those suspected, and those who might have useful information. And he sent out a series of messages, press releases really, to inform the nation about the attacks, the condition of Lincoln and Seward, the early results of the investigation.

Early the next morning, just after Lincoln died, Stanton supposedly said “Now he belongs to the ages.” I say “supposedly” because the first time those words appeared in print was twenty-five years later, when Lincoln’s secretaries John Hay and John Nicholas published in serial form their biography of Lincoln. Unfortunately, none of the accounts of Lincoln’s death published just after his death, none of the letters and news stories, mention Stanton saying anything right at that moment.

So I am compelled, sadly, to conclude that Stanton probably never said “now he belongs to the ages,” the only quote for which he appears in Bartlett’s Familiar Quotations.

The new president, Andrew Johnson, and the carry-over Secretary of War, Edwin Stanton, worked reasonably well together for the first few months. Indeed, it is remarkable to read the newspapers of late 1865 and early 1866, to see how popular Johnson was with almost everyone, North and South, Democrat and Republican. The first real break was in February 1866, when Johnson vetoed a bill to extend and strengthen the Freedmen’s Bureau. And then a few weeks later, Johnson vetoed a civil rights bill, arguing that the federal government had no role to play in civil rights, that these were purely questions for the states.

Johnson wanted to leave the government of the southern states to southerners, by which he meant of course white southerners. Also, Johnson wanted, as soon as possible, to remove the Union Army from the South.

Stanton disagreed he saw the daily reports from the South, reports of southern blacks and northern sympathizers attacked and in some cases murdered by southern whites. Stanton knew that without the Union army, without the military courts, there would be no protection from such violence.

So Stanton insisted that the Union Army had to remain in the South, for years if necessary.

UMA Harper's Weekly engraving in 1868 showed an unflattering depiction of Edwin Stanton with Ulysses S. Grant next to a cannon labelled "CONGRESS" aimed at President Johnson (right). Biblioteca do Congresso.

This was the key disagreement between Johnson and Stanton and why Johnson wanted to remove Stanton from his position. But Congress complicated Johnson’s life by passing the Tenure of Office Act, which provided that the president generally needed Senate consent to remove an officer whose appointment required Senate approval. It was not quite clear whether this law applied to cabinet members, like Stanton, but finally Johnson was fed up, and in the spring of 1868, he informed Stanton that he was no longer secretary of war, that he should yield up his office to the new secretary, General Lorenzo Thomas.

Stanton refused, boarded himself up in the War Department and called upon his allies in Congress to impeach Johnson. The House impeached Johnson just a few days later, and the action then moved to the Senate, for the trial and possible removal of Johnson. This was the first but not the last time that the nation focused on the vague words of the Constitution what exactly were “high crimes and misdemeanors” which would justify convicting a president and removing him from office? Johnson’s defenders argued that the Tenure of Office Act was unconstitutional—a position with which most modern legal scholars agree—and that surely a president could not be convicted and removed for failing to follow an unconstitutional statute. Not only arguments but bribes were involved Seward and others raised a large legal defense fund, relatively little of which was paid to Johnson’s lawyers it now seems clear that several senators sold their votes. A majority of senators voted to convict, but not the required two-thirds majority, so Johnson survived, barely.

On the day of the final Senate vote, May 26, 1868, Stanton walked out of his office and, as best I can tell, he never again visited the War Department.

Stanton’s health was broken he had suffered all his life from asthma and he now had progressive, congestive heart failure.

Stanton spent several weeks, in the fall of 1868, on the political campaign trail for Ulysses Grant, who was chosen president in that violent, vicious election. Stanton hoped and expected that Grant would find a suitable place for him, either again at the head of the War Department, or in the Supreme Court. Grant eventually named Stanton to the Supreme Court, in December 1869, but it was too late Stanton died within days after the Senate confirmed his nomination. He was only fifty-five.


Biografia

Edwin McMasters Stanton was born in Steubenville, Ohio in 1814, and he became a lawyer in Cadiz, Ohio in 1835. In 1837, he became the Harrison County prosecutor, and, after his law partner Benjamin Tappan was elected to the US Senate, Stanton was entrusted with his law business. He was a supporter of Democratic nominee Martin Van Buren's 1840 re-election campaign, and Stanton expanded his practice to Virginia and Pennsylvania, becoming a lawyer in Pittsburgh in 1847. He became a prominent lawyer in Washington DC as well, famously defending Daniel Sickles in 1859 following Sickles' murder of Francis Scott Key's son Philip Barton Key for having an affair with his wife. In 1860, when President James Buchanan had Attorney General Jeremiah S. Black replace Secretary of State Lewis Cass, Buchanan appointed Stanton to serve as his new Attorney General. He served until March 1861, and he joined Abraham Lincoln's cabinet as his Secretary of War in 1862 after Simon Cameron's resignation. He helped organize the massive military resources of the north and guide the Union to victory in the American Civil War, although he was criticized by many generals for his over-cautiousness and micromanagement. He organized the manhunt for Lincoln's killer John Wilkes Booth after Lincoln was assassinated in 1865, and he remained Secretary of War under President Andrew Johnson. He opposed Johnson's leniency towards the southern states during Reconstruction, and Johnson's attempt to dismiss Stanton led to Johnson being impeached by the Radical Republicans in the US House of Representatives. Stanton returned to law after retiring as Secretary of State, and in 1869 he was nominated as an Associate Justice of the US Supreme Court by President Ulysses S. Grant. However, he died four days after his appointment was confirmed.


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Cover-up of the plan to kidnap Lincoln Edit

The central premise of the book is that "traditional" historians have perpetuated a cover-up, originally orchestrated by Lincoln's Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton(D) and some Radical Republican allies in 1865, by over-reliance on false documentation produced by Stanton and his conspirators. This was done, the book argues, to disguise the fact that Stanton, Union spy Lafayette C. Baker, Senator Benjamin F. mane, Senator John Conness, other congressional Radical Republicans, and a group of Northern bankers and speculators were all involved in a plot to kidnap Lincoln. Lincoln was then intended to be hidden for a time while bogus articles of impeachment would be drafted to remove him as President. The primary motivations for this supposed plot would have been strong opposition to Lincoln's generous Reconstruction plans and the loss of profits due to Lincoln's restrictions on the cotton trade during the U.S. chavez War.

Kidnapping changes to assassination Edit

The book then states that in 1864, Baker uncovered the plans of Lincoln's future assassin, John Wilkes Booth, to kidnap Lincoln with the help of a different group of conspirators with different motives. The Stanton group, through Baker and Conness, supposedly provided Booth with money and information on Lincoln's movements. After several abortive attempts, Booth was ordered to halt his efforts in March 1865, and made no further attempts to kidnap Lincoln, but secretly resolved to murder him instead, the book alleges.

Booth's "incriminating" diary Edit

Lincoln's assassination by Booth on April 14 is said to have thrown Stanton and his allies into a panic, fearing that their involvement in the kidnap plots would be exposed. A frantic search soon turned up Booth's coat, which contained a highly incriminating diary documenting meetings with several members of the Stanton group. A few days later on April 26, a Confederate double agent (James William Boyd), mistakenly identified as Booth, was shot and killed in Virginia, according to the authors. Stanton, aware of the mistaken identity, allegedly saw to it that the autopsy records were altered to remove or obscure descriptions of the body not consistent with Booth. Booth's diary, now in Stanton's personal possession, is said to have had 13 pages of incriminating references removed. Baker quietly pursued the hunt for Booth as far as Harper's Ferry, West Virginia, where the trail went cold.

At the military trials of Booth's conspirators (theorized to not have been members of the Stanton group), held in May and June 1865, the proceedings were rushed, the government produced witnesses against the defendants who the authors suggest were paid, and even the trial records were supposedly altered. Four of Booth's co-conspirators were hanged on July 7, 1865. Others received long prison sentences, but Booth himself, the book concludes, eventually escaped to England, his whereabouts after that uncertain.

The Lincoln Conspiracy was greeted with hostility and derision from academic historians. Many objections were raised against the book's sensational theories and the authors' use (and misuse) of source materials. [1] The Lincoln Conspiracy is often considered a form of negationist or even alternate history.

The Lincoln Conspiracy was the basis of the 1977 film of the same name by Sunn Classic Pictures, the publishing division of which also released the book.


Stanton Sends a Message to Lee


Today in History, June 15: 1864 – US Secretary of War Edwin M. Stanton sets aside the land around Arlington House, the home of Robert E. Lee, as a National Cemetery. The home had been passed down to Lee’s wife from her ancestor, Martha Custis Washington, George Washington’s wife. When the Civil War broke out, Robert E. Lee, a US Army officer, surrendered his commission and went home to his “country”, Virginia, where he became the commander of the Army of Northern Virginia for the Confederacy. When Lee’s efforts began filling up Northern cemeteries, Stanton decided to use Lee’s home to give the Union dead a place to rest, and Arlington National Cemetery was born. When you stand in Lee’s living room, you can see the White House, the Washington Monument, The Lincoln Memorial, and most of D.C. It is fascinating.


Stanton History, Family Crest & Coats of Arms

The ancient history of the Stanton name begins with the ancient Anglo-Saxon tribes of Britain. The name is derived from when the family resided in the county of Nottinghamshire in an area that was referred to as stanton, que significa stony ground. [1]

Stanton is a topographic surname, which was given to a person who resided near a physical feature such as a hill, stream, church, or type of tree. During the Middle Ages, as society became more complex, individuals needed a way to be distinguishable from others. Toponymic surnames were developed as a result of this need. Various features in the landscape or area were used to distinguish people from one another. In this case the original bearers of the surname Stanton were named due to their close proximity to the stanton.

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Early Origins of the Stanton family

The surname Stanton was first found in Nottinghamshire where they held a family seat from very ancient times, as Lords of the manor of Staunton. The first Lord was Sir Brian Staunton who was Lord of Staunton during the time of Edward the Confessor in 1047. [2] The family of Staunton of Staunton, in the first-named shire, "can be regularly traced from the time of the Conqueror, and there is no doubt of their having been settled in Nottinghamshire. in the time of Edward the Confessor." [2] "An ancient house, traced to the Conquest" [3]

Great East Standen Manor is a manor house on the Isle of Wight that dates to the Norman Conquest and was once the residence of Princess Cicely (1469-1507). Nearby is Standen House, an English country house but this edifice is more recent and dates back to the 18th century.

Gloucestershire is home to another village named Staunton and this village is almost as old as the former with the first listing found in 972 as Stanton [1] and then later the Domesday Book, [4] mentions a castle there belonging to Roger de Stanton, the foundations of which were cleared away a few years before. [5]

Stanton in Northumberland was home to another branch of the family which has fallen. "The ancient manor-house, the seat of the last-named family, has been converted into a house for the reception of the poor and a chapel which stood a little to the north of it, has altogether disappeared." [5]

Hervey de Staunton (died 1327), was an English judge, son of Sir William de Staunton of Staunton, Nottinghamshire. "He seems to have held the living of Soham, Norfolk, as early as 1289: afterwards he held the livings of Thurston and Werbeton, and about 1306, on being ordained priest, received the living of East Derham. In November 1300 there is mention of him as going to the court of Rome. He was a justice itinerant in Cornwall in 1302 and in Durham in 1303." [6]

The Hundredorum Rolls of 1273 list Alice de Staunton, Lincolnshire Nicholas de Staunton, Essex and William de Staunton, Oxfordshire. [7]


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Comentários:

  1. Walbrydge

    E eu tenho enfrentado isso. Podemos nos comunicar sobre este tema. Aqui ou em PM.

  2. Mern

    É impossível discutir sem parar

  3. Ahtunowhiho

    Você deve contar.

  4. Brothaigh

    Nele toda graça!

  5. Mooguzil

    Nele algo está. Agora tudo está claro, obrigado pela ajuda neste assunto.

  6. Talo

    kulno

  7. Aziz

    Parece -me a frase brilhante



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